person_outline



search

Letter from Lhasa, number 308. Regime. Which one?

Letter from Lhasa, number 308. Regime. Which one?   

by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Travaglio, M., and P. Gomez,Regime. Biagi, Santoro, Massimo Fini, Freccero, Luttazzi, Sabina Guzzanti, Paolo Rossi, tg, gr e giornali: storie di censure e bugie nell’Italia di Berlusconi. Postfazione di Beppe Grillo, BUR, Milan, Italy, 2004.

(Gomez 2004).

Peter Gomez

Marco Travaglio

For the authors of this book, Berlusconi created a regime, a regime breaking the rules of liberal-democracy, ...what actually there was not in Italy, not even before Berlusconi. It is also doubtful there really be elsewhere, although there be different rules relatively to Italy. Unfortunately, school definitions are different from reality, and reality is different from school definitions. Real States are strange entities, when they be known for what they really be, despite whatever official rhetoric,aliasdespite whatever official propaganda.

Anyway, for the authors of this book, Berlusconi, following some P2 conspiracy (actually very ‘Leninist’, very PCI-style, if one follows the authors’ arguing and believes them), sunk the splendid regime there was before, the one liquidated from the 1992-93 Great Purge (a financial powers’ comprador coup d’État). Of course, this devilish regime hides itself because it controls all the TV chains, in the authors’ point of view.

Actually a Berlusconi in office never controlled the RAI, the State broadcasting company. As well as owning Mediaset is different from ‘controlling information’. The information diffused from TVs and other media is actually produced elsewhere.

Information production and diffusion centres are totally outside the control of Italian entities. Media can variously hide it (or underline it), but they may also lose audience, since elsewhere produced information and disinformation cannot be censored, in Italy. Italy is a comprador country.

For the authors of this book, who controls, or those controlling, some TV chains can control people’s mind. The main Italian newspapers have never been controlled from Berlusconi. Not even the RAI, at least until when, in government, there was some inevitably co-occupation from him and his [eventually temporary] ‘friends’ or allies.

Italian predatory oligarchies could and can control intellectuals in various ways, what Berlusconi could never do. This is more decisive than controlling some TV chains, a newspaper and a publishing house.

For Berlusconi, property never was ‘spiritual’ control. Intellectuals always remained aligned with the Italic bureaucratic and private oligarchies. The authors, not understanding, or simulating not understanding, the mechanisms governing intellectuals’ and powers’ world, are just making regime propaganda. They are the regime. Berlusconi was and is a fought outsider. His companies are under permanent threat from the predatory oligarchies prospering stealing enormous amounts of public funds.

The authors report some Berlusconi rough attempts to marginalize some front-line personages, some pawns, of the propaganda against him. While predatory oligarchies (of which the PCI always was part) buy intellectuals with public funds and assuring them brilliant careers (and also mobbing and liquidating them if some one of them ‘betrays’), yes what Berlusconi could only do was trying marginalizing a few of the most aggressive journalists against him from RAI. What is the image of his impotence against a predatory regime opposing him.   

For (Gomez 2004), in Italy there is a mediatic regime, where Berlusconi censors everything and everybody, brainwash people and, in this way imposes his agenda. For (Gomez 2004), he could do it by the cooperation of the opposition which is, for it, a false opposition.   

For instance, the book quotes the 2003 Massimo Fini case, whose RAI program was censored and suppressed before starting. Finally the action against him was work of Antonio Socci (from Siena), an ex leftist, later ofComunione e Liberazione. He was jealous of Massimo Fini, decidedly more brilliant and moral than him, and independent, what Antonio Socci never was, having him [Socci] a mafia-style mentality always asking for power and political covers and promotions. Since RAI positions are allocated on political basis, Socci was sent to it, to RAI-2, as member of theComunione e Liberazionefraction aligned with the so-called centre-right. Without his intervention, as a RAI manager, no politician or statesman had anything against Massimo Fini.

It seems decidedly strained to suggest that Socci convinced someone as Berlusconi. Socci, clearly with a disturber personality, simply used his mafia power inside the RAI. He claimed that the M.Fini was doing some information, not only entertainment, so it should have been his bureaucratic competence and he did not like a free mind and spirit as M.Fini was.

It was an anthropological aversion, as it was told M.Fini. Claudio Petruccioli, the ‘communist’ President of the RAI Control Parliamentary Commission, assured full support to the RAI censorship and discrimination again M.Fini. In a system of political party mafia-style control of RAI, if the discriminations operated from personnel of a certain political parties are respected, it is because there is a reciprocal support for each party representative discriminations. One supports other people-organised abuses because they support one’s own-organized abuses.    

What (Gomez 2004) represents as a Berlusconi take over even of the RAI is only the perpetuation of the traditional partitocratic and oligarchic powers’ share and co-management of the RAI. When, occasionally, Berlusconi has some irritation since a systematic campaigning against him, he was so impotent that he was obliged to attack directly and even publicly the journalists he felt abused him. It was and is the opposite of the Italic oligarchies mafia-style traditional practice, which made and makes to liquidate disliked personages in an absolutely hidden and radical way.  

The 14 March 2001 RAI show of Daniele Luttazzi and Marco Travaglio was not scandalous because they reported what they reported about the Sicilian organized criminality but for the direct strike against Berlusconi and only him. Organized criminality invests in whatever sector and also in the companies and interests of the predatory oligarchies. In the Italy of the Quirinale dictatorship, journalist and intellectuals are encouraged to inquiry (actually they do not enquiry but they report judicial materials) and to talk only about the ‘obscure origins’ of the early Berlusconi financing. However, if they did it about the main Italic predatory oligarchs, they would be immediately liquidated.

Other rumours largely diffused of Berlusconi responsibility in the Falcone and Borsellino massacres are deceptions diffused from Carabinieri Secret Police corps responsible of them on Quirinale-Mediobanca orders. The former was ordered from the temporary President of the Republic Spadolini (a Mediobanca puppet) for blocking the Andreotti run as President. The latter was ordered from Scalfaro for covering the former, which sanctioned the Mediobanca takeover (a white coup d’État) of the Quirinale and of Italy. Of course, that may not be told in Italy. What in Italy may not be told is classified as ‘a mystery’. They are just work of military-CC and/or other Secret Police corps at real government orders. Mafias and terrorists are just Carabinieri parallel militias, used, in part covered, and liquidated when they are not any more useful and for allowing the emerging of other families or groups.

If the RAI allowed such campaigning against Berlusconi, but not against real predatory oligarchies, it is only because journalists and intellectuals campaigning against Berlusconi are encouraged and covered from Carabinieri Secret Police corps. In no other country, anybody would be allowed to such campaigning against politicians, Statesmen/women etc. When such unilateral permanent aggressions happen, it is because there a white civil war. In Italy, as in many comprador countries, there is permanent white coup d’État, a permanent self-shitting destabilization wanted from the Anglo-American owners of Italy.      

Interesting the interpretation of Luttazzi about the relationship Moro-Andreotti and Andreotti-RedBrigades. He forgot anyway the Carabinieri Secret Police. A single Carabinieri officer could not manage the whole Moro operation ordered from Andreotti.

The stories narrated from this book are certainly interesting and useful, although all the discussions about censorship be decidedly surreal because the main Italic TV networks, RAI and Mediaset are controlled, the former from the political parties, all the political parties, and the latter from Mr. Berlusconi who in politics since 1994.

Apart from some very rare exceptions, the main censored journalists, or satirists, or actors, are anti-Berlusconians censored from the same formal opposition to the Berlusconi party and front. There were and there are long quarrelling only because the RAI is not managed as a real company with precise editorial guidelines and with the freedom to hire and to fire according to them.

In practice, journalists, or satirists, or actors, pretend an independence there is nowhere in the world. They simulate there be abroad, while there be not in Italy. They simulated there were in Italy, while actually there never be. Political parties and financial oligarchies controlled everything.

 They’d want to be paid,de factowith public money (RAI is in permanent deficit despite all TV owners must pay fees for it), for doing what they want. So, there are journalists, or satirists, or actors, pretending total freedom of expression on media be not their properties, and companies (RAI, specifically) organizing mobbing according to political agreements, political agreements between government parties and opposition parties.

The main accusation moved from this book is: we are anti-Berlusconi and the same anti-Berlusconi parties do not defend us. However, there are equally regime components supporting this hysterical anti-Berlusconi network.

(Gomez 2004) is interesting and useful for what it tells but even more for what it does not tell, it censors. It basically is a propaganda book. Its leitmotif is: “Berlusconi created a mediatic regime, a mediatic dictatorship. He and his fellow partners are the worst evil, while those opposing him... No, actually those opposing him in a weak way are a false opposition, so guilty as he and his supporters, his accomplishes, are.”

Yes, there was and there is centrist and rightist censorship too. Actually the culture has been occupied and is going on being occupied from leftists and Catholics, since some Anglo-American decision since when they were occupying Italy, since 1943.

Without forgetting the even stronger mediatic occupation from the Agnelli family and the other Mediobanca area families, the comprador predatory oligarchies. No one could tell of an Agnelli what has been and is currently told about a Berlusconi. No one of these claimed intellectual-against ever violated this mafia-style rule. They would have been scientifically annihilated, not just roughly hit as from this para-Berlusconi area.  

In Italy, really independent intellectuals are persecuted. They do not work, not as intellectuals. They are not named, if not someone occasionally, in this book, which is a mafia-style feud, using the usual vulgate made up and diffused with the strong protection and instigation of the comprador oligarchies’-controlled Presidency of the Republic, its Carabinieri Secret Police with annexed judiciary, and the Anglo-American and other owners of Italy. Not casually the publisher is the main publishing conglomerate of the Mediobanca area, owned from the main Italic predatory oligarchies. For them, the main crime of Berlusconi is of being an outsider, not very different from them although too rapidly successful in fields where they failed.

Travaglio, M., and P. Gomez,Regime. Biagi, Santoro, Massimo Fini, Freccero, Luttazzi, Sabina Guzzanti, Paolo Rossi, tg, gr e giornali: storie di censure e bugie nell’Italia di Berlusconi. Postfazione di Beppe Grillo, BUR, Milan, Italy, 2004. 

Pin It
Atualizado em: Qua 27 Mar 2013

Deixe seu comentário
É preciso estar "logado".

Curtir no Facebook

Autores.com.br
Curitiba - PR

webmaster@number1.com.br

whatsapp  WhatsApp  (41) 99115-5222